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Military Order of the Loyal Legion of the United States 



CEREMONIES 



OF THE 



Fiftieth Anniversary 

1865-1915 



AT THE 



American Academy of Music 

PHILADELPHIA 
APRIL 15 1915 



1915 



L TCP/:, 



JUL 16 I8{ft 



Brevet Lieut. -Colonel John P. Nicholson 
Compiler 



PROGRAMME 



AMERICAN ACADEMY OF MUSIC 

^, THURSDAY APRIL 15 

8 P. M. 



OVERTURE 

Jubilee yon Weber 

United States Marine Band 

THE ASSEMBLY 
The Buglers of the United States Marine Band 

RECEPTION OF THE COLORS OF THE ORDER 
" TO THE COLORS " 

Buglers of the United States Marine Band 

STAR SPANGLED BANNER 

United States Marine Band and Audience 
Lieut. Santelmann Leader 

PRAYER 

Lieut. James A. Worden D.D. 

MUSIC 

March of the Loyal Legion Sousa 

United States Marine Band 

BATTLE HYMN OF THE REPUBLIC 

United States Marine Band and Audience 

Lieut. Santelmann Leader 

ADDRESS 

Colonel Henry S. Huidekoper 
Commander of the Commandery Presiding 



MUSIC 
Intermezzo, Jewels of the Madonna 



Wolf-Ferrari 



United States Marine Band 



ORATION 
Brevet Brig. -General Thomas H. Hubbard, U. S. V. 

Commander-in-Chief of the Order 
MUSIC 



Gems of the Nation 



United States Marine Band 



Santelmann 



MUSIC— RALLY ROUND THE FLAG 

United States Marine Band and Audience 

Lieut. Santelmann Leader 

MUSIC 

My Own United States 

United States Marine Band 

MUSIC— AULD LANG SYNE 

United States Marine Band and Audience 

Lieut. Santelmann Leader 

MARCH OF THE REGIMENT 

First Regiment N. G. P. 
"THE FLEET TATTOO" 

The Buglers of the United States Marine Band 
BENEDICTION 

Rev. Alexander H. Leo 



Edwards 



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PRAYER 

Lieutenant James A. Worden D.D. LL.D. 



Eternal God, Sovereign Creator of Nations and of men, we 
worship Thee. Officers of the army and navy of the United 
States which in the war of 1861-65 saved the Union, preserved 
the Constitution and liberated the slaves, we reverently acknow- 
ledge that only through Thy counsel and power we endured and 
conquered. All glory unto Jehovah of the armies mighty in 
battle. We present our heart's gratitude on this semi-Centenial 
of the Loyal Legion for Thy preserving mercy by day and by 
night on land and sea, in sickness and in health, during all these 
glorious years. 

Lord of our far flung battle line, we glorify Thee for our 
Nation's progress, our restored unity, and prosperity, and in 
this hour when great nations are at war, we thank Thee for 
peace within our borders, still give us peace. Oh Lord Jesus 
Christ, Mediational King, Prince of peace, make wars to cease 
from the end of the earth. Break the bow, cut the spear in 
sunder and burn the chariots in fire. We humbly supplicate 
Thee, bless the President of the United States and all in authority, 
bless our army and navy, deliver us from complications with 
foreign powers, make our beloved country the arbiter of con- 
tending powers and the bringer in of universal and perpetual 
Peace. We supplicate Thee in the name of the Lord of Peace, 
who hath taught us to pray : 

Our Father which art in Heaven, 

Hallowed be Thy Name, 

Thy Kingdom come, 

Thy will be done, on earth, as it is in Heaven; 

Give us this day our daily bread. 

And forgive us our trespasses as we forgive them which 

trespass against us, 
And lead us not into temptation, but deliver us from evil. 
For Thine is the Kingdom and the power and the glory 

forever. 

Amen ! 



COMMANDER HENRY S. HUIDEKOPER 



Commander-in-Chief, Companions, ladies and gentlemen: 
We have come together to celebrate the fiftieth anniversary of 
the establishment of the Loyal Legion. By the right of the 
first born, the Commandery of Pennsylvania assumes and 
enjoys the privilege of receiving and entertaining its twenty 
younger brothers. In its name I extend to you its warmest 
welcome. We feel honored that you have come so far to be with 
us and to join in this celebration. 

Fifty years ago, the people of the United States, throughout the 
North, from the Atlantic to the Pacific, were rejoicing over the 
victory of the Union. At Appomattox, Lee had surrendered all 
there was vital in secession and rebellion. His brave soldiers, 
who had fought so gallantly to the end, had accepted the in- 
evitable. They had scattered to their homes, pledged and 
determined thereafter to obey the laws of the United States. 

Fifty years ago to a day, on April 15, 1865, the news of the 
death of President Lincoln turned elation and joy into bewilder- 
ment and sorrow. On that day, Lieut. -Colonel Elwood T. Zell, 
Brevet Lieut. -Colonel S. B. Wylie Mitchell, and Captain Peter 
D. Keyser met at Colonel Zell's office, on Sixth Street near 
Chestnut Street, in Philadelphia, to plan for the obsequies of the 
lamented President. At this meeting it was decided to form an 
association of the veteran ofiEicers of the War of the Rebellion. 
To perfect an organization these three men, joined by others, 
met on April 20th at Independence Hall. No fitter place could 
have been chosen — none richer in historical memories. In this 
hall Thomas Jefferson, Benjamin Franklin, the Adamses, John 
Hancock and others brought forth a new nation, and Washington 
was chosen to lead its army. There, on July 4th, 1776, the 
Liberty Bell proclaimed "Liberty throughout the land to all the 
inhabitants thereof." There, Washington and John Adams were 
inaugurated as Presidents of the United States. There, on 
Washington's birthday, 1861, Abraham Lincoln, ten days before 
he was inaugurated as President, raised a new flag with thirty- 
four stars, and addressed to his hearers and to an anxiously 
expectant country these now half-forgotten words: "In my 



view of the present aspect of afifairs, there is no need of bloodshed 
and war. There is no necessity of it. I am not in favor of such 
a course; and I may say in advance there will be no bloodshed 
unless it is forced upon the government. The government will 
not use force unless force is used against it." To these historic 
traditions a new memory was added, when, on April 20, 1865, 
in the "Cradle of Liberty," our association was definitely con- 
stituted and christened as "The Military Order of the Loyal 
Legion of the United States." 

At this rite "Duty to Country" was the godfather, and "Love 
of Country" the godmother. The tenets to be enforced by the 
stern godfather were : 

"First. A firm belief and trust in Almighty God, extolling 
Him under whose beneficent guidance the sovereignty and 
integrity of the Union have been maintained, the honor of the 
Flag vindicated, and the blessings of civil liberty secured, 
established and enlarged. 

"Second. True allegiance to the United States of America, 
based upon paramount respect for, and fidelity to, the National 
Constitution and Laws, manifested by discountenancing whatever 
may tend to weaken loyalty, incite to insurrection, treason or 
rebellion, or impair in any manner the efficiency and permanency 
of our free institutions." 

The tenets to be enjoined by the amiable godmother were that: 

"The objects of this Order shall be to cherish the memories 
and associations of the war waged in defence of the unity and 
indivisibility of the Republic; strengthen the ties of fraternal 
fellowship and sympathy formed by companionship-in-arms; 
advance the best interests of the soldiers and sailors of the 
United States, especially those associated as Companions of this 
Order, and extend all possible relief to their widows and children ; 
foster the cultivation of military and naval science; enforce 
unqualified allegiance to the General Government; protect the 
rights and liberties of American Citizenship, and maintain 
National Honor, Union and Independence." 

Eligible to membership under the constitution of the Order 
are: Any soldier or sailor who served in the Army or Navy of 
the United States during the War of the Rebellion for at least 
ninety days, and, at the time, or later on, held a commission; 



certain of the direct descendants or relatives of such persons, and 
some others. It is also provided that sub-commanderies may 
be chartered. Of these there are today twenty-one, with a 
membership on January 31st, of 7363. In this membership the 
Companions of the " First Class having a War Record " are already 
in the minority, the difference between the two classes, as I 
distinguish them, being 266. In a few years, the memories and 
the traditions of our Order will be wholly in the keeping of the 
younger Companions. 

Such an Order as ours could hardly come into existence except 
after a long war, in which ties of comradeship are firmly knit. 
Nor could such an Order well be formed except in a country like 
ours, which, in any important war, relies chiefly upon voluntary 
enlistments, in which, when peace is re-established, the soldiers 
and, for the most part, even the officers, return to civil life; and 
which is so vast in its extent that no ties, however close, can be 
maintained without organization and periodical assembly. After 
our War of Independence such an association was formed, and 
our Legion may fitly be described as the nineteenth century 
Society of the Cincinnati. 

Such reunions as ours revive, expecially among the older 
members of the Order, many memories. On the evening of 
February 22nd, 1861, President-elect Lincoln addressed the legis- 
lature at Harrisburg. Referring to the flag-raising that day at 
Independence Hall, he said, in about these words: As the flag 
was lifted aloft by force of my feeble arm and then unfurled 
in the breeze in the clear, blue sky, I saw in that an omen for 
success in the work the American people have given me to do for 
them. But the Political sky was not clear. Behind him, as he 
spoke, hung clouds black with sedition, menacing war and, even 
at that early day, threatening assassination. Ten days later, in 
his first inaugural address, striving to allay the bitter feelings of 
the fiery South, Lincoln said: "I have no purpose directly or 
indirectly, to interfere with the institution of slavery where it 
exists. I believe I have no lawful right to do so, and I have no 
inclination to do so." 

But war comes. Within six weeks of the inauguration forts 
are bombarded, arsenals and custom houses seized and post- 
offices taken over. The sound of Sumter's guns awakes the 



confiding North from its dream of peace, in which Texas, and 
Mexico, and Kansas, and the Fugitive Slave Law were forgotten. 
From Maine to beyond the Mississippi, in every town and in 
every city, in answer to the guns of Sumter, drums beat to arms. 
Fifes and bugles and voices of silver-tongued orators encouraged 
enlistments. Volunteers "fall in" by squads and companies 
throughout the land. Mothers press to their hearts their sons, 
with scarcely a spoken word, and turn to their bedsides to give 
vent to their tears, and pray. Sisters weep. Wives cling to 
husbands at the gate with arms about their necks for a last 
farewell, while children clutch their mother's skirts, wondering 
what the sobbing means. Sweethearts, in quiet nooks, in fond 
embrace, again pledge their love and fervent prayers, their 
hearts full of pride that their lovers are to be soldiers, and torn 
with the fear that those trysts may be the last. But memories are 
kept fresh, and for years, as the seasons go by, and rain in summer 
patters on the roof or snows in winter block the road, these 
devoted women wrap their shawls the tighter around them, 
unconsciously expressing their yearning that such protection 
against the storms may be given to their loved ones walking their 
beats or shivering in their tents. And on clear nights, gazing at 
the starry heavens, messages of love are sent to some bright star 
in the southern sky, to be reflected to those below, or perhaps to 
be cut off by the thick smoke over some awful battlefield, where 
already the soldier may be lying with eyes forever closed. Ah! 
my Companions, a thousand flags acclaim you here the heroes, 
but, in war, the true heroes are of finer clay. 

Then were four years of war — with battles on the plains — 
battles on the rivers — battles on the mountains — battles on the 
oceans — fickle fortune giving varying success according to her 
moods — until she threw the victor's palm to Grant, at 
Appomattox. There that soldier, manliest of men in battle, 
was considerate and kindly as a woman upon approaching the 
fallen Lee. He talked about far-off Mexico and olden times, 
until reminded by the sensitive, stately chieftain that their 
meeting was for another purpose. Then simply, as only Grant 
could do it, he replied: "Your officers and men can go to their 
homes, not to be molested so long as they shall obey the laws of 
the country and behave themselves." When told that the men 



were without food, he said: "Your soldiers shall have rations 
issued to them;" and when he learned that many of the horses 
were the private property of the men, he said: "Your men can 
take their animals with them to plow their fields for a summer 
crop." And then came, from a heart that knew no guile, that 
harbored no vindictive thought, that trusted his fellow men at 
that moment, as all through his life, those beautiful words, 
"Let us Have Peace." 

So well and so honestly did those soldiers who were paroled at 
Appomattox fulfill their obligations that, half a century later, 
Pennsylvania, at Gettysburg, where more than twelve hundred 
of her best and bravest lay buried under the sod, extended to 
them the most cordial of welcomes. The spirit in which they 
were met should assure their perpetual allegiance to the flag they 
so often fired on, and should forever silence the murmuring of 
those friends of theirs who never had been tried in battle. 

The war over, our eyes turn to Washington, to the troops 
assembling there, and to their last parade. For two days, from 
morn to dusk, four armies pass in review. The Army of the 
Potomac, Meade commanding, with Sheridan's Cavalry Army 
under Merritt in the van take possession of Pennsylvania Avenue 
on May 22nd, and Sherman's two Armies under Logan and 
Slocum on May 23rd. While President Johnson is receiving the 
marching salute. General Grant is beside him, proud of the men 
he has so ably and so successfully commanded. 

These soldiers, four years before, were pale-faced boys directing 
their untrained steps southward, now they are bronzed and 
seasoned veterans, with swinging stride and with ranks aligned, 
headed northward — homeward bound. As though in recognition 
of what they did at Shiloh, Antietam, New Orleans, Gettysburg, 
Vicksburg, Chickamauga, Mobile Bay, Winchester, Nashville 
and Appomattox, the sun shines fair in the heavens above them 
and sheds on these grim warriors his softest and his brightest rays, 
while laurels strew their path. As column after column passes 
the White House, flags are dipped and drums are beaten, for this, 
their last salute, after which flags are incased and drums are 
covered. Then under the warm rays of a United Country the 
armies of the republic melt away, no one knows whither, as the 
white snow on the mountain side melts under a summer sun. 

10 



My younger Companions, who inherit from us the privileges 
and the obligations of the Order, we have well nigh run our race. 
For half a century we have maintained to the utmost of our 
ability the precepts of the Order, and we now adjure you to 
maintain the trust we leave to you, as we have tried to maintain 
it in the past. Woven intimately in the fiber of our Government, 
as of every Government, are the words Patriotism and Treason. 
The full significance of these terms, all good citizens, and you 
above all, as members of the Loyal Legion, should firmly grasp. 
In our younger days we soldiers gleaned their sense from our 
study of the Constitution, the Articles of War and the Army 
Regulations. Neither time nor circumstances have changed the 
import of those words. Accept from us, and pass to your 
descendants, their proper definition, and listen not to theorists, 
whose over-subtle distinctions would confuse their plain and 
simple meaning. 

Two great legacies are yours ; one, and to you the more precious, 
the records of your fathers for good and faithful service to their 
country in time of its greatest need ; the other, the renown of their 
illustrious commanders, with traditions of their marked ability 
and gallant deeds. Five of these, who were our Companions, 
had, for a time, their abode in the White House: Grant, Hayes, 
Arthur, Harrison and McKinley. Six of our Companions went 
to Harrisburg as governors: Curtin, Geary, Hartranft, Hoyt, 
Beaver and Stone. To recite the full list of other commanders 
who were our Companions in the Loyal Legion would weary you. 
I will recall the names only of Grant, Farragut, Sherman, Thomas, 
Logan, Sheridan, Custer, McClellan, Hancock, Gibbon, Melville, 
Devens, Chamberlain, Gherardi, Fairchild, Sampson, Schley, 
Merritt, Pope, Slocum, Howard and Wright. 

The few of us who here await the "last roll call " I fancy tented 
in a field that lies before me. Close by, in a friendly grove, a 
coterie of commanders-of-renown are seated about a camp fire. 
They are Dodge, Gregg, Miles, Dewey, Young, Wilson, Brooke, 
Pennypacker, Hubbard, Osterhaus, and others. I think of this 
group as officers of the " Rear Guard," waiting to see the pontoons 
taken up after all the rest of us shall have crossed the stream and 
entered the other world. On duty with this group is an adjutant- 
general. He is hard at work, as is his wont, and as paper after 



paper leaves his hand, it bears the signature of John P. Nicholson. 
For us, Companions, that emblem has been suspended from his 
neck for now fifty years. 

My eyes are turning to the west, as if drawn by some strong 
magnet, and I see, beyond the broad river which we have yet to 
pass, the setting sun lingering in the heavens that it may light 
our crossing to join our companions who are already on the 
other side; and in the golden clouds, where voices are silent, and 
where bugles do not sound nor drums beat, I see the banners of 
our old-time leaders who were of the Loyal Legion, awaiting our 
coming, that they may lead us again, not to battle, but to fields 
where there is no War, and where all is Peace. 



12 



COLONEL HENRY S. HUIDEKOPER: 

Companions, ladies and gentlemen : I take great pleasure in 
introducing to you Brevet Brig.-General Thomas H. Hubbard, 
Commander-in-Chief of the Military Order of the Loyal Legion 
of the United States. 

COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF HUBBARD: 

Commander Huidekoper, Companions of the Military Order 
of the Loyal Legion, ladies and gentlemen: 

The Commandery-in-Chief accepts with cordial thanks the 
hospitality of the Commandery of Pennsylvania and of the City 
of Philadelphia. Before the Military Order of the Loyal Legion 
was born, those who later became its members were welcomed and 
cheered and fed in this typical union city as they went to the 
front and as they returned. Philadelphia was an oasis for the 
Union Soldiers in the deserts of their journeying. 

And when, at the close of the war, the Order had its birth, it 
was fitting that it should be here where the nation was born. 
Here the thought of perpetuating the friendships formed in 
service in the Union armies first took form and here is the paternal 
home of the Loyal Legion. 

Since the war that now devastates Europe began, much has 
been said in reproachful terms of militarism and, on the other 
hand, of the futile work of peace societies. There has also been 
much discussion of the questions, will wars occur in the future; 
will their frequency and extent be diminished as civilization 
advances; in what way can they be prevented or restricted. 

All these things are of vast concern to soldiers and to citizens. 

It is worth while to consider them in the light of history and 
especially the history of the United States of America. 

It was in the City of Philadelphia July 4th, 1776, that the 
Declaration of Independence was adopted. In its earlier sen- 
tences its signers proclaimed "We hold these truths to be self- 
evident, that all men are created equal, that they are endowed by 
their Creator with certain unalienable Rights, that among these 
are Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness. That to secure 
these rights. Governments are instituted among men, deriving 

13 



their just powers from the consent of the governed." In its 
closing sentences they declared : 

"We, Therefore, the Representatives of the United States of 
America, in General Congress assembled, appealing to the 
Supreme Judge of the world for the rectitude of our intentions 
do, in the name, and by the authority of the good People of 
these Colonies, solemnly publish and declare, that these United 
Colonies are, and of right ought to be Free and Independent 
States; that they are absolved from all allegiance to the British 
Crown, and that all political connection between them and the 
State of Great Britain is and ought to be totally dissolved ; and 
that as Free and Independent States they have full power to 
levy war, conclude peace, contract alliances, establish commerce 
and to do all other acts and things which Independent States 
may of right do. And for the support of this Declaration, with 
a firm reliance on the protection of Divine Providence, we 
mutually pledge to each other our Lives, our Fortunes and our 
sacred Honor." 

These were bold words and bold men uttered them. They 
challenged the power of the mighty parent nation. More than 
this, they arrayed a new nation on the weaker side of the world 
wide contest that had been waged for centuries and that still 
goes on; the contest between government by rules of right and 
reason and government by force. 

A nation so arrayed may favor peace. But it is not its mission 
to preserve peace. 

Its mission is to maintain and extend the principles of liberal 
government. This mission cannot always be fulfilled by 
assuming the picturesque attitude of an exemplar of freedom and 
by standing still. The fulfillment of the mission may involve 
war ; defensive against autocratic encroachment, or even offensive 
in aid of liberal governments unequally assailed. It may call 
for action bold enough to match bold words. 

It was in the City of Philadelphia July 9th, 1778, that the 
Continental Congress ratified the "Articles of Confederation and 
Perpetual Union." These gave to the new and struggling nation 
the name "The United States of America;" accorded to the 
free inhabitants of each of the thirteen States all privileges and 
immunities of free citizens in the several States; provided that 

14 



no person holding any office of profit, or trust, under the United 
States or any of them, should accept any present, emolument, 
office or title of any kind from any King, Prince or foreign State, 
and that neither the United States, nor any of the States should 
grant any title of nobility. 

The Constitution of 1778 is now more often commented upon 
for its imperfections and its failure, than for its merit. It was 
inadequate for its purpose of perpetual union. 

But it is the constitution under which the war of the revolution 
was fought to a finish and it is a constitution framed in harmony 
with the Declaration of Independence. 

To maintain the Declaration and to assure life to the young 
United States of America, war was carried on for nearly seven 
years, from the first skirmishing at Lexington in April and the 
battle of Bunker Hill, in June, 1775, to the surrender of Corn- 
wallis at Yorktown in October, 1781. But the Declaration was 
maintained and the life of the infant nation was assured by war, 
with its sufferings, its slaughter and most of its atrocities. There 
was no other way. 

Was this militarism? Were Washington and his generals and 
his advisers, Franklin and Hamilton and Jefferson and Adams, 
all militarists? 

It was in the City of Philadelphia that the people of the 
United States, acting by their deputies, framed in 1787 the 
Constitution for the United States of America, "in order to form 
a more perfect Union, establish justice, insure domestic tran- 
quility, provide for the common defense, promote the general 
welfare and secure the blessings of liberty" to themselves and 
their posterity. 

This momentous compact presented a method of self govern- 
ment fit for free and independent States and fit for citizens who 
possess equal rights. Like the earlier Constitution it was 
framed to conform to the Declaration of Independence. It was 
made for the people and discarded the doctrine that governments 
exist by Divine right and are superior to the people and that the 
people must be modeled to fit the governments. 

By its terms the individuals who carry on the functions of the 
government of the United States are selected by the people and 
are agents of the people, not their masters. 



15 



By its terms life, liberty and property of each citizen are 
secured in equal measure in each and all of the States. 

The Constitution and the Declaration of Independence are 
indissolubly united. Without a Constitution and laws a 
Declaration is nothing but helpless words. Without a Declara- 
tion of principles and purposes, constitutions and laws lack the 
vital essence. The Declaration is the beacon light. The 
Constitution is the Ship of State moving toward the light. 

If the war of the American Revolution had ended in the 
defeat of the United States the Declaration would have been an 
object of derision. It will be an object of derision if the Con- 
stitution and the Union of the States result in failure. 

The words of Washington's first inaugural are as cogent now 
as when they were spoken. "The preservation of the sacred fire 
of liberty and the destiny of the republican model of government 
are justly considered perhaps as deeply as finally staked on the 
experiment intrusted to the hands of the American people." 

While the Declaration and the Constitution last an avenue is 
open for advance towards that social condition where order 
prevails because none wish disorder ; where laws are few, because 
few are needed ; where law is not the arbitrary will of a superior 
imposed on an inferior, but is the agreement of enlightened and 
honorable men adopted by all as a beneficial rule of conduct for 
all ; where no man need obey any master except the law and where 
the law is the impartial master of every man. 

To maintain the Constitution and the principles proclaimed 
by the Declaration is to keep open the avenue for such advance. 
To destroy the Constitution is to recant the doctrine of the 
Declaration; close the avenue for advance; halt the progress of 
the world; turn the advance of civilization into disheartening 
retreat. 

An attempt to destroy the Constitution and the Union is an 
attempt to eliminate the Declaration. 

The time came when this attempt was made. 

On the 20th of December, i860, a State Convention of South 
Carolina passed, at Charleston, an ordinance that runs as follows: 

*'An ordinance to dissolve the Union between the State of 
South Carolina and the other States united with her under the 
compact entitled 'The Constitution of the United States of 

16 



America.' We the people of the State of South Carolina, in 
convention assembled, do declare and ordain and it is hereby 
declared and ordained that the ordinance adopted by us in 
convention on the 23rd day of May, in the year of our Lord one 
thousand seven hundred and eighty -eight, whereby the Constitu- 
tion of the United States was ratified and also all acts and parts 
of acts of the General Assembly of this State ratifying amend- 
ments of the said Constitution, are hereby repealed and that the 
Union now subsisting between South Carolina and the other 
States under the name of the United States of America is hereby 
dissolved." 

The public signing of this ordinance was performed on the same 
day and the presiding officer of the Convention announced 

"The ordinance of secession has been signed and ratified and 
I proclaim the State of South Carolina an Independent Common- 
wealth." 

Proceedings like those of South Carolina were taken in ten 
other States and on June 8th, 1861, eleven of the thirty-four 
States had declared the Union dissolved. 

The reasons for this action were stated in the various seceding 
States and are indicated by the State of Mississippi speaking 
through her convention in a "Declaration of the immediate 
causes which induce and justify the secession of the State of 
Mississippi from the Federal Union." 

"Our position," so runs the declaration, "is thoroughly 
identified with the institution of slavery — the greatest material 
interest in the world. A blow at slavery is a blow at commerce 
and civilization. That blow has been long aimed at the institu- 
tion and was at the point of reaching its consummation. There 
was no choice left us but submission to the mandates of abolition, 
or a dissolution of the Union whose principles had been subverted 
to work out our ruin. We must either submit to degradation 
and loss of property worth four billions of money, or we must 
secede from the Union." 

Then followed the war. For four years millions of brave men 
contended in vast armies. The Union armies fought to maintain 
the government of the United States as it then existed. The 
Confederate armies fought to destroy the Union and to perpetuate 
the institution of human slavery. 

17 



The armies of the Union prevailed. The Union goes on; still 
pledged to the Declaration of Independence; still bound by the 
Constitution; still enlisted in the cause of "government of the 
people, by the people, for the people;" still destined, it may be 
hoped for future centuries, to aid, all over the world, the progress 
of free institutions and of the truth that governments are made 
for people and not people for governments. 

But this result was reached by war, with its hardships, its 
sufferings, its cruelties and some of its atrocities. Millions of 
men fought and killed, or tried to kill each other. Hundreds of 
thousands of men, ended their lives in the contest. Hundreds 
of thousands of women bore the greater affliction of life long 
sorrow and bereavement. It had to be done in this way. 

Was this the effect of militarism? Were the leaders of our 
armies and our councils militarists? Were, or are, we of the 
Loyal Legion, living and dead, all militarists? 

The word militarism, now in frequent use, has different 
meanings for different men. To those who think that universal 
and perpetual peace may arrive in six months or a year, any 
armament for warlike use on land or sea means militarism. 

To those who think that wars can not be abated and may come, 
on any day, no armament less than that of the nation most 
completely equipped for war means militarism. An authorized 
definition of the word is "the maintenance of national power by 
means of standing armies." But this does not express the 
reproach that pacificists attach to it. 

Its reasonable definition involves an answer to two questions. 
The first is, will wars arise in the future? The second is, if wars 
must arise in the future, can their frequency and extent be 
reduced, now or at any time? 

The American wars of tJie Revolution and of the Rebellion and 
the later war with Spain produced results that encourage war, 
because they accomplished beneficent ends that apparently 
could be reached by no different road. One who examines the 
past and tries to determine from its events what may happen in 
the future, will find in these wars no argument to support the 
belief that wars will no longer occur. There will be, as there have 
been, communities, or nations, that are oppressed, or that think 
themselves oppressed and that can find no relief without war. 

i8 



There will be as there have been, people or nations that deem it 
right to use their strength to the detriment of weaker people or 
nations. The love of independence on the one side and the love 
of domination on the other have existed since prehistoric times 
and have been occasions of war. 

One will search in vain to find in the records of the past en- 
couragement for the belief that an era of world wide peace is 
near. The Bible itself is in considerable part a recital of wars 
and of slaughter. Few books are bloodier than the book of 
Judges. To kill, or to lose in battle, twenty-five thousand men 
or more was a moderate forenoon's work for the children of 
Israel. 

Historic precedent is on the side of war. Lovers of peace have 
hoped that the precedent was becoming obsolete ; but the colossal 
war now devastating Europe shows that this is not so. For, 
even while celebrations of centennial peace were in preparation, 
the most civilized and Christianized nations of the world entered 
upon war more stupendous in the number of fighters and more 
destructive in methods than any that history records. 

Christianity and civilization have not abated war. All these 
warring nations confidently call on God for help and trust His aid 
for victory. 

Nor do standing armies prevent war. What wars may occur 
if standing armies are discontinued or diminished, or how such 
wars will result, are still questions for essay or argument. To 
what extent standing armies provoke or defer war may still be 
subject for debate. But it is demonstrated that they do not 
prevent it. For even while military magazines were proclaiming 
that the United States of America should maintain a large stand- 
ing army and that the armies of Europe were preservers of peace, 
these armies of Europe, the largest in the world and equipped with 
the most modern mechanical devices for destruction, began to 
kill each other and to obliterate the achievements of industry. 

The causes of the present war, stated in general terms, are 
racial difference; religious difference; offended dignity; dreaded 
humiliation; desire of room for expansion; rivalry; ambition. 
These causes will exist, not in Europe alone, but all over the 
world, after the present war is ended. And disputes due to 
these causes may be determined by war so long as the fighting 

19 



instinct exists, or, in other words, so long as human nature 
exists. For the fighting instinct is inseparable from animal 
nature. It cannot and it should not, be extinguished. Man has 
always had it and the time cannot come when he will be man 
and be without it. 

Is it militarism for a nation to face the facts and to make 
reasonable preparation to meet and successfully avert dangers 
that history and human nature and present occurrences prove 
to exist? 

It might be militarism to create an army and navy so large as 
to justify the assumption that these will be the only persuasives 
to use with other nations and that reason and amicable negotia- 
tions and the purpose to accord and demand only justice, shall 
go for nothing. 

What is reasonable preparation of army and navy should be 
determined by the representatives of the people in the Congress 
of the United States and by the Department experts skilled in 
such affairs. It may be that Congressional action should be 
stimulated by some direct expression of popular wish. But it 
seems hardly desirable at this time, when the great armies of the 
world are all engaged at home and when military mechanisms 
are under test and when new inventions for effective man- 
slaughter are being devised, to impress upon the public as 
imminent, a danger that is probably remote, or urge a great 
enlargement of war munitions that may soon be obsolete. 

Whatever may be decided as to the needed increase of army 
and navy, two facts must be kept in mind. One is that there 
must be an increase sufficient to meet probable internal and 
external disturbances. The other is that army and navy are to 
be used to support the law and not to supersede it. 

Although it seems certain that wars will not cease and that 
occasions for war will arise while nations exist, it is just as certain 
that efforts for peace should not relax. It may not be correct to 
say, as has been said, that there never was a good war, or a bad 
peace; but it is surely correct to say that most of the wars that 
have been waged should not have been waged and that their 
occasions could have been adjusted by reasonable men whose 
interests were involved and that the intelligent efforts of peace 
advocates may avert some wars in the future. 

20 



There are many reasons for believing that the frequency and 
extent of wars may be reduced. 

Nations, or the governments of nations, are or should be, made 
for their people. It is perhaps reasonable that the people of one 
generation should deliberately decide to kill and be killed for the 
benefit of their posterity. But it is quite unreasonable that one, 
or two, or half a dozen people, should decide that for their benefit 
and the benefit of their posterity one, or two, or half a dozen 
millions of other people should kill or be killed. 

The slaughter now proceeding in Europe is for reasons that 
would hardly cause a street fight between individuals of the 
nationalities engaged. For in this country and indeed in other 
countries, men of those same different nationalities live in the 
same communities, in peace, although their dignity is often 
offended and their pride often humiliated and though their 
religious opinions vary and they are rivals and are ambitious 
and envy the success or advancement of one another. 

Nations are an aggregate of individuals. Their morality 
should be equal to the morality of the individuals who compose 
them. Their resort to force should be no more frequent, nor 
for lesser causes than that of individuals. 

But the contrary is the fact. 

Ethnologists say that the primitive man was an inarticulate 
savage and began his existence some hundreds of thousands of 
years ago and lived upon berries and vegetables before he attained 
the accomplishment of eating insects and fishes. If this be 
incorrect and if the primitive man was perfected in a moment in 
the garden of Eden, he fell from thence and became degenerate 
and had to climb again. 

In either case he had the morals of his tribe and of his com- 
munity and of his people. Force shaped the conduct of the 
savage and his tribe, alike. 

But in the settlement of quarrels and in the direction of 
peaceable adjustment of controversy, the individual advanced 
while the nation stood still. 

Individuals no longer settle their differences like wild men. 
They no longer, in civilized and Christian communities, get and 
hold their property by force, by robbery and murder. They no 
longer depend for protection of life and property on the rule that 



21 



the strongest shall have and the weaker must give. The trial 
by battle that was once approved by Courts, has disappeared. 
Individuals now try to adjust their differences by concession or 
by arbitration. If these are unavailing they resort to the Courts. 
Their rights are determined by the decision of the Court and the 
decision is enforced by appropriate officials. If, as sometimes 
happens, they choose violence, assault, or murder, instead of 
peaceful methods, for redress, those who make such choice take 
the consequences and bear the burdens that attend the choice. 
And death dealing weapons are, as a rule, used by individuals 
only for self defense. 

But nations have made no such advance in the method of 
settling controversies. They still rely on physical force, just as 
they did in the earliest ages of which history gives account and 
just as, no doubt, they did in prehistoric time. Nations have 
improved their mechanisms for killing, but in their methods for 
settling disputes they remain savage. 

The killing that is called murder when done by men in civilians' 
clothes is called an act of war when done by men in uniform 
serving their nation. The men in civilians' clothes may be 
arrested, tried and hanged or electrocuted. The nation cannot 
be — unless other nations assume the duty of Court and 
Executioner. 

Wars cannot be eliminated, but their frequency and extent 
can be reduced and their cessation approached if the methods 
now applied to individuals can be applied to nations, and if one 
code of morals can govern both. 

It is easy to state in words how this can be done. It is hard, 
or impossible, to state how long it will take to do it. Nations 
can agree to arbitrate their disputes. 

They can agree to constitute international Courts and can 
confer upon such Courts jurisdiction of all or any matters of 
controversy between nations. They can agree to abide by the 
decisions of such Courts. They can agree to enforce such 
decisions by armies and navies assigned to that duty by each 
nation in due proportion. They can agree thus to compel each 
nation to submit to the jurisdiction of the Court and obey its 
mandate. In this way disputes between nations can be disposed 
of as are disputes between individuals. In this way cessation or 



abatement and reduction of armaments may be approached and 
nations may attain the moral level of individuals. 

But when can it be done? If all nations of the world were 
republics or were democratic and if the people who are to serve 
in wars or to bear the burden of wars were the same people who 
are to decide through their delegates when wars shall occur and 
when they shall be interdicted, the time might not be very 
distant. 

But here the doctrine of militarism and of domination by 
military force confronts the peace propaganda. 

This doctrine now obtains in a large part of the world and is 
unalterably opposed to submission by nations to the decrees of 
any Courts. Such submission is deemed beneath the dignity of 
nations. International murder is thought more dignified. 

Two theories of government exist today and are accepted by 
the people who inhabit the regions where they prevail. One 
rests on the belief that force has ruled and still rules and will rule 
the world. 

The other rests on the belief that mind and reason and law 
should rule the world and that force should be their servant. 
The doctrine of force is that the strong ought to rule the weak; 
that the superior may rightfully use his strength to put himself 
up and to put his weaker neighbor down ; that it is the duty of 
the weak to obey the strong. 

The origin and growth of this doctrine are subject of much 
interesting discussion. Competent scholars have thought that 
it began as a patriarchal system and that the assertion of Divine 
right to rule crept in long after its commencement as an available 
adjunct and that the assertion of an original contract between 
the governed and the governing, described by Sir Henry Maine 
as a famous error, has been invoked to reinforce the doctrine of 
Divine right. 

Its probable origin is that quality of human nature that 
inclines men to get and keep what they can. 

Whatever may have been its birth or birthplace it involves a 
classification of its subjects into grades from which they can 
hardly escape and the subordination of all to a dominant power 
called the State, or the head of the State. 

Where this system prevails the dogma is accepted that the 

23 



people are made for the State and the State is not made for the 
people. 

The State must be regarded as a majestic personality, different 
from and greater than any individual, or all individuals; justly 
entitled to control the lives and the fortunes of its subjects. 
And the man at the head of the State must be regarded as its 
index and its equal. 

Loyalty and allegiance and patriotism mean devotion and, 
when demanded, surrender, of the lives and property of all 
individuals to the maintenance of this intangible being, the 
State and its tangible exponent, King, Sultan, Emperor, Czar 
or Kaiser. 

The doctrine involves the surrender of the proposition that all 
men are created equal and the proposition that governments 
derive their just powers from the consent of the governed. 

For centuries the system of government by force has been 
rejected by men who have despised a life of compulsory subordin- 
ation and who have maintained that men should have a voice in 
their own government and that force should be the servant of 
reason. 

The resistance of such men, when overcome, has been over- 
come by armies. 

The Greek cities of Achaia rejected the system of government 
by force. 

Three hundred years before the Christian Era they formed the 
League that gave to all its citizens the substance of equal political 
rights and the form of self government. 

For more than half a century the Achaian League successfully 
resisted the attempted domination of Rome, until in the year 
146 B. C. the Roman legions conquered Greece and Achaia was 
forced to take its orders from Roman autocrats. 

The armed resistance of Achaia was militarism that peace 
lovers may approve. The armed conquest by Rome was 
militarism that peace lovers should condemn. 

The United Provinces of the Netherlands resisted the system 
of government by force, as administered by Spain, in the sixteenth 
century and remained a republican federation independent of 
imperial power until in 1795 it was dominated by France, then 
overturning with its armies the greater part of Europe, 

24 



The armed resistance of the United Netherlands to Spain and 
France was militarism that peace lovers may approve. 

The armed oppression of the Netherlands by Spain and its 
armed invasion by France was militarism that peace lovers 
should condemn. 

The federation of the Swiss Cantons has continued from the 
thirteenth century through countless vicissitudes, with varying 
boundaries and changing alliances and some dependence at times 
on adjoining nations. 

Today Switzerland is an independent republic, governed by 
its own citizens, secure from internal dangers, but not secure 
from the menace of nations committed to the system of govern- 
ment by armed force. 

Aggression aimed at the domination of Switzerland by the 
armed force of monarchical neighbors would be justly condemned 
as a crime of militarism. 

Armed resistance by Switzerland to such aggression would be 
militarism that peace lovers should approve. 

Militarism should not be defined as the use by governments of 
armed force or as the maintenance of national power by means of 
standing armies. It is not determined by the size of armies or 
navies maintained by governments. It is determined by the 
use to which armies and navies are put. It exists when they are 
used to dominate people or nations who should have the right to 
govern themselves and to supersede laws and civil authority. 

How long it will take to induce nations now committed to the 
system of force to submit to decrees of international Courts no 
one may presume to predict. National pride must first be broken. 
National honesty must be taught. The truth that all men are 
created equal and have right to equal opportunity, must be 
accepted by nations that now reject it. It may take centuries 
to bring these things to pass. They may come to pass quickly. 
The United States of America has taken its stand under the 
Declaration of Independence and the Constitutions of 1778 and 
1787 and the war for their maintenance that ended at Appomattox. 
Its mission is to oppose in every legitimate way the system of 
government by force. That system and the system of govern- 
ment by rules of right and reason are in eternal opposition, and 
must be so always. 

25 



One or the other must give way, if the frequency and extent 
of wars are to be reduced. 

The result of the war from 1 861-1865 kept the United States 
true to its mission. 

Half a century has passed since the surrender by General Lee 
on the 9th of April, 1865, of the Army of Northern Virginia to 
General Grant and the Army of the Potomac, ended a critical 
period of the world's history. 

For nearly four years these brave armies had manoeuvred and 
fought with varying results. Many times success rested with 
the gallant army of Northern Virginia. In the peninsula cam- 
paign and in the battles that ensued and at Fredericksburg and 
at Chancellorsville, the days were dark for the Union armies. 

The clouds were lifted at Vicksburg, at Chattanooga, at 
Gettysburg and were dispelled by the Wilderness campaign and 
the battles that ended at Appomattox. The destiny of the 
republican model of government intrusted to the American 
people was for the time assured. 

The country remained true to the Declaration of Independence 
and the Constitution and was still enlisted in the cause of liberal 
government all over the world. It is this rather than armed 
victory over a valiant foe that makes April 9th, 1865, a day ever 
memorable in history. It is this that makes service in the 
Union armies an unrivalled honor. 

Half a century has passed since Abraham Lincoln, President 
of the United States from the beginning to the end of the war, 
died from the act of an assassin. 

In his second inaugural address, the month before his death, 
he had said: "The progress of our arms, upon which all else 
chiefly depends, is as well known to the public as to myself; and 
is, I trust, reasonably satisfactory and encouraging to all. With 
high hopes for the future, no prediction in regard to it is ventured. 
* * * Both parties deprecated war; but one of them would make 
war rather than let the nation survive ; and the other would accept 
war rather than let it perish. And the war came. * * * Neither 
party expected for the war the magnitude or the duration which 
it has already attained. * * * Each looked for an easier triumph, 
and a result less fundamental and astounding. Both read the 
same Bible, and pray to the same God ; and each invokes His aid 

26 



against the other. It may seem strange that any men should 
dare to ask a just God's assistance in wringing their bread from 
the sweat of other men's faces, but let us not judge that we may 
not be judged. The prayers of both could not be answered — 
that of neither has been answered fully." 

The catastrophe of President Lincoln's death seemed, at the 
moment, irremediable. But he had lived six days after the 
surrender of General Lee; he had seen the result of the war; he 
had liberated the bond men; he more than any other in that 
crucial time, had shaped the destinies of his country to beneficent 
ends; he, in his own life, had demonstrated the possibilities of 
individual development under a democratic government un- 
hampered by castes or heredity. 

The test whether the nation conceived in liberty and dedicated 
to the proposition that all men are created equal, or any nation 
so conceived and so dedicated, can long endure, had been with- 
stood by successful war. In his life time the war had determined 
that government of the people, by the people, for the people 
should not perish from the earth. No words can fitly express 
the honor he deserves. 

On April 15th, 1865, the day of President Lincoln's death, 
olificers of the Union army meeting in the City of Philadelphia, 
organized the Military Order of the Loyal Legion of the United 
States and adopted as its motto "Lex Regit. Arma Tuentur." 

This motto is the epitome of our faith in armies and in a free 
government. The law must be supreme. But there must be 
armies to uphold and enforce the law. 

The constitution of the Order and its declaration and purposes 
have been stated tonight by the distinguished soldier now head 
of the Commandery of Pennsylvania. They will, let us trust, be 
reverently observed by those who maintain the Order after its 
original Companions shall have gone. 

The maintenance of the Order means fealty to the Declaration 
of Independence and the Constitution of the United States. 

The members of the Order are not militarists, but they know 
the thrill and exaltation of military service in deadly peril and 
of unreserved self sacrifice. They know how war's test of man- 
hood makes war enticing and its memories dear. 

And now they meet once more in the City of the Order's birth 

27 



and of the nation's birth and give thanks for the privilege of 
serving in the battles for freedom fifty years ago. 

Others have fought as bravely as they, but all others have not 
the good fortune of serving the same inestimable cause. 

The battles they fought ; the marches they made ; the disasters 
and defeats they suffered ; the successes and victories they gained 
are now historic and are attested and sanctioned by the growth 
and strength of a united country. 

It is conventional to consider the events of the revolutionary 
period and of the war of 1 861-1865 as things of the past and to 
count the words and acts of statemen and soldiers of these eras 
as things that impressed their times, but are now of moment 
only to the scholar. 

It is conventional to express respect when the names of 
Washington and Franklin and Hamilton and their contemporaries 
or the names of Lincoln and Grant and Sherman and their 
contemporaries are mentioned and to regret that they are gone. 

It is conventional to lament, with grief that diminishes as 
years increase, the departure from our vision of the gallant 
Companions of the Loyal Legion, with whom, or under whose 
orders we so often hazarded our lives and to deem their work 
ended. 

Reverse this attitude of mind. Think of these men as present 
living forces. The work they kept in motion still goes on. 

It is because there was a Declaration of Independence in 1776 
and because constitutions were adopted in 1778 and 1787 and 
because there were men who proclaimed them and observed them 
and fought for them in those years and who maintained them in 
the field in 1 861 -1865 that we have today a government that free 
men can endure and that gives assurance of still better things. 

The record ^bf the Loyal Legion and of its Companions approves 
these propositions. Militarism is the misuse of armies and 
navies to dominate peoples abroad and to supersede civil authority 
at home. Liberal government affirms the right of every man to 
a fair start and an even chance in life. Armies and navies are 
needed to maintain liberal government and to oppose militarism. 

Their use is to protect and preserve the law, which must be 
supreme. 

"Lex Regit. Arma Tuentur." 

28 



BENEDICTION 

Rev. Alexander H. Leo 

We invoke Thy gracious benediction upon the 
noble organization that brings us together this 
evening, and upon every other such Brotherhood 
that keeps alive the heroism of our fathers and 
the love of our common country. May we ever 
remember such men as he, who after the bloodiest 
of wars said " Let us have peace." And we pray 
Thee that the honored name of him whose sad 
death we this day lament afresh — he who had 
"malice toward none and charity for all," we 
pray Thee that his influence, his virile manhood, 
his heroic personality, may never perish from the 
earth, and that the blessing of Almighty God, 
Father, Son and Holy Spirit be with us evermore. 

Amen 



29 



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RECEPTION 

AT THE 

Pennsylvania Academy 
of the Fine Arts 

April i6 1915 



31 



MUSICAL PROGRAMME 



FIFTIETH ANNIVERSARY 

OF THE 

Military Order of the Loyal Legion 
OF THE United States 



The Pennsylvania Academy of the Fine Arts 

Friday Evening April i6 191 5 
8.30 to 11.00 o'clock 



PHILADELPHIA 



32 



BAND OF THE 
UNITED STATES MARINE CORPS 

Wm. H. Santelmann Leader 



1 March — "The Stars and Stripes Forever" 

2 Overture — "Tannhauser" 

3 Scenes Espagnole — "Sevillana" 

4 Excerpts from "LaBoehme" . 

5 Waltz— "The Debutante" 

6 Reminiscences of the Plantations . 

7 Grand Scenes from "Carmen" 

8 Invitation to the Dance 
(Transcribed for Military Band by Wm, H. Santelmann) 

9 Hungarian Rhapsody No. 14 Liszt 



Sousa 

. Wagner 

Elgar 

Puccini 

Santelmann 

Chambers 

Bizet 

Weber- Weingartner 



10 March — "Loyal Comrades" 



Blankenburg 



33 



RECEIVING COMMITTEE 



AT THE 



PENNSYLVANIA ACADEMY OF 
THE FINE ARTS 



General Thomas H. Hubbard 
Mrs. Thomas H. Hubbard 

Colonel H. S. Huidekoper 
Mrs. James W. Wister 

Mrs. John P. Nicholson 

Mrs. William Brooke Rawle 
Mrs. John R. Brooke 

Mrs. John O. Foering 

Mrs. Joseph W. Plume 
Mrs. John P. Green 

Mrs. S. W. Fountain 

Mrs. Thomas Skelton Harrison 
Mrs. William A. Dripps 
Mrs. Harrison W. Latta 

Mrs. Herbert J. Wetherill 
Mrs. K. D. Taylor 

Miss Anna W. Hubbard 

Mrs. Francis A. Donaldson 

Miss Bertha Dale Benson 



34 



COMPLIMENTARY CONCERT 



TO 



THE UNION LEAGUE 



FROM THE 



MILITARY ORDER OF THE LOYAL LEGION 
OF THE UNITED STATES 



UNITED STATES MARINE CORPS BAND 

Professor WM. H. SANTELMANN 



FRIDAY AFTERNOON APRIL i6 1915 
2 to 4 o'clock 



PROGRAMME OF MUSIC 

1 March— "The Liberty Bell" 

2 Overture — "Light Cavalry" 

3 Serenade — "Les Millions dArlequin" . 

4 Waltz— "The Beautiful Blue Danube" 

5 Nocturne 

6 Grand Scenes from "The Bohemian Girl" 

7 Characteristic Fantasia — "Gipsy Life" 

8 Caprice — "Hearts Message" 

9 Melodies from the Sunny South . 
10 March — "Thomas Jefferson" 



Sousa 

Suppe 

Driga 

Strauss 

Leybach 

Balfe 

le Thire 

Santelmann 

Lampe 

Santelmann 



35 




THE JOHN WANAMAKER COMMERCIAL 
INSTITUTE REGIMENT, OF PHILADELPHIA, 
CORDIALLY INVITES THE MEMBERS OF 
THE MILITARY ORDER OF THE LOYAL 
LEGION OF THE UNITED STATES TO 
ATTEND MILITARY EXERCISES TENDERED 
IN HONOR OF THE FIFTIETH ANNIVER- 
SARY OF THE LOYAL LEGION 

IN " THE ARMORY," NINTH FLOOR OF THE 
WANAMAKER STORE, FRIDAY, APRIL i6th, 
AT 4-30 P. M. SHARP 

William R. Scott Colonel 



PROGRAMME 



I. Regimental Formation, Line of Masses 

II. Regimental Parade 

III. Indian Club Drill — "Girls* Battalion 

IV. Butts' Musical Rifle Drill and Calisthenics 



36 



MILITARY ORDER OF THE LOYAL LEGION 
OF THE UNITED STATES 

COMMANDERY-IN-CHIEF 



Circular No. 2. 

Series of 1915. [ PHILADELPHIA March I I915. 

Whole No. 288. 



I. At the Ceremonies incident to the Celebration of the 
Fiftieth Anniversary of the Order, April 14-15-16, 1915, the 
Insignia shall be worn as prescribed in Art. XXII, Sec. i, 
Constitution, 1909. 

By command of 

Brevet Brig.-General Thomas H. Hubbard U. S. V. 

Commander-in-Chief 

John P. Nicholson 
Brevet Lieutenant-Colonel U. S. V. 
Recorder-in- Chief 



37 



MILITARY ORDER OF THE LOYAL LEGION 
OF THE UNITED STATES 

COMMANDERY OF THE STATE OF PENNSYLVANIA 



Committees on Celebration of the 50th Anniversary 

1865-1915 

APRIL 15-16 1915 



Committee of Finance 

R. Dale Benson, Chairman. 

W. W. Frazier S. Emlen Meigs S. L. P. Ayres 

John P. Green Calvin Pardee James M. Schoonmaker 

Joseph R. Grundy William Brooke Rawle John D. Williamson 

Thomas Skelton Harrison Powell Stackhouse 

Treasurer, Benjamin O. Loxley, 7314 Boyer St., Philadelphia. 

Committee on Music 

Oliver C. Bosbyshell, Chairman, Flanders Building, Philadelphia. 

James Forney Jos. E. Goodman, Jr. John E. Latta 

Robert Huey Charles H. Kirk T. H. M'Calla, Jr. 

Decoration Committee for the Academy of Music 

Sylvester Bonnaffon, Jr., Chairman, 3439 Walnut St., Philadelphia. 

F. V. Bonnaffon James W. Collum Edwin J. Sellers 

DeForest L. Bachman Malcolm A. Shipley Henry L. Ward 

Press and Hotel Committee 

Henry W. Littlefield, Chairman, West Walnut Lane, Germantown. 

James W. Nagle John T. Paulding Nalbro' F. Thomson 

James H. Glenn Elisha D. Oakford 

38 



Programme and Ceremonies Committee 

H. S. Huidekoper, Commander, P. O. Box 533, Philadelphia. 
E. A. Landell James Stewart, Jr. John O. Foering 

S. W. Fountain Jacob H. Stadelman John P. Nicholson 

James W. Latta Levi G. McCauley Wm. Macpherson Horner 



Committee at Union League 



John W. Bubb 
Charles L. Cooper 
Thomas B. Harper 
Horace Neide 
Paul G. Littlefield 
J. E. Barr 
B. F. Rittenhouse 

Reception Committee 
William S. Ashbrook 
Shreve Ackley 
R. W. P. Allen 
Charles M. Burns 
John W. Boughton 
J. Richards Boyle 
E. McC. Boring 
S. Ashton Bonnaffon 
Michael W. Bradley 
William H. Blakeman 
Charles L. Betts 
Charles P. Brady 
Arthur J. Bankerd 
Milton Birch 
Charles F. Beck 
Edmund H. Bell 
Theodore G. Brinton 
Hugh J. Brooke 
Henry C. Blye 
James H. Closson 
T. M. Coane 
John L. Chadbourne 
Alan Corson 
Harold Dripps 
Joseph B. Downing 
Henry T. Dechert 
Francis A. Donaldson 
Eli D. Edmunds 
John M. Fries 
Wm. Innes Forbes 



Louis H. Carpenter 
Arnold H. Hord 
John F. Conaway 
E. M. Boyle 
B. Franklin Betts 
O. M. Bosbyshell 
H. G. Cavenaugh 



Michael A. Golden 
Harrold E. Gillingham 
John M. Harper 
William H. Hutt 
Horatio S. Howell 
George Q. Horwitz 
T. Wallis Huidekoper 
Franklin M. Harris, Jr. 
Robert H. Ivy 
William B. Kinsey 
Guy King 
Harry C. Kessler 
Frank S. LeTourneau 
Augustine T. Lynch 
Eugene F. Lynch 
Samuel L. Laciar 
John L. Luckenbach 
Charles E. Loxley 
George A. Landell 
Frank S. Lawrence 
Isaac D. Landis 
Paul L. Levis 
Thomas E. Merchant 
Walter A. Munns 
Jacob G. Morris 
Thomas W. Milnor 
Thomas S. Martin 
William B. Mann 
Howard L. Mendenhall 
Herbert S. Mauck 



John W. Geary 
George T. Lambert 
William D. Neilson 
Noah H. Swayne, 2d 
W. A. Wiedersheim 
Arthur B. Huey 
Edwin C. Pendleton 



George G. Meade 
Thomas A. McElmell 
William R. McAdam, Jr. 
Richard M. Popham 
H. T. Peck 
Noble D. Preston 
Alfred E. Pfahler 
George H. Penrose 
Daniel S. Rittenhouse 
Jonathan T. Rorer 
H. O. Rodgers 
Alexander W. Russell, Jr. 
John B. S. Rex 
George R. Snowden 
William Spencer 
Henry J. Snyder 
William C. Stevens 
Maurice W. Sloan 
John W. N. Stevenson 
James Starr 
Frank E. Schoonover 
Leopold A. von Seldeneck 
Ellwood A. Tricker 
J. Madison Taylor 
C. G. Trumbull 
Horace G. H. Tarr 
Albert F. Ulmer, Jr. 
Moses Veale 
Charles H. Worman 
William C. Wiedersheim 



39 



Preamble from the Constitution. "We, Officers and honorably dis- 
charged Officers of the Army, Navy and Marine Corps of the United States, 
whose names are hereunto annexed, having aided in maintaining the honor, 
integrity and supremacy of the National Government at a critical period of its 
history, and holding in remembrance the sacrifices in common made and the 
triumphs together shared in discharge of this sacred duty, unite to ordain and 
establish a permanent association for the purposes and objects hereinafter set 
forth, and to this end pledge our honor, as officers and gentlemen, to be 
governed by the following Constitution and By-Laws. 

This association shall be known as The Military Order of the Loyal 
Legion of the United States. 

Principles. This Order acknowledges as its fundamental principles — 
First. A firm belief and trust in Almighty God, extolling Him under whose 
beneficent guidance the sovereignty and integrity of the Union have been 
maintained, the honor of the Flag vindicated, and the blessings of civil liberty 
secured, established and enlarged. 

Second. True allegiance to the United States of America, based upon 
paramount respect for and fidelity to the National Constitution and Laws, 
manifested by discountenancing whatever may tend to weaken loyalty, incite 
to insurrection, treason or rebellion, or impair in any manner the efficiency and 
permanency of our free institutions." 

ROLL OF COMMANDERIES 

Commandery of the Headquarters Instituted 

State of Pennsylvania Philadelphia April 15, 1865 

State of New York New York City January 17, 1866 

State of Maine Portland April 25, 1866 

State of Massachusetts Boston March 4, 1868 

State of California San Francisco April 12, 1871 

State of Wisconsin Milwaukee May 15, 1874 

State of Illinois Chicago May 8, 1879 

District of Columbia Washington February i, 1882 

State of Ohio Cincinnati May 3, 1882 

State of Michigan Detroit February 4, 1885 

State of Minnesota St. Paul May 6, 1885 

State of Oregon Portland May 6, 1885 

State of Missouri St. Louis October 21, 1885 

State of Nebraska Omaha October 21, 1885 

State of Kansas Leavenworth April 22, 1886 

State of Iowa Des Moines October 20, 1886 

State of Colorado Denver June i, 1887 

State of Indiana Indianapolis October 17, 1888 

State of Washington Seattle January 14, 1891 

State of Vermont Burlington October 14, 1891 

State of Maryland Baltimore December 8, 1904 

COMMANDERY-IN-CHIEF 
Headquarters Philadelphia Instituted October 21 1885 

40 



Press of 

John T. Palmer Company 

philadelphia 

Engraving 

Bailey, Banks & Biddle Co. 

philadelphlv 

Binding 
H. ZucKER, Philadelphia 



